Deciphering the Text: the Process of Transcribing SP9/99

Project leads Paul Pattison and Esther van Raamsdonk give an update on how their project on transcribing and translating of the Seventeenth Century survey by a Dutch Engineer of 22 castles and fortifications.

Now we are reaching the end of our research project – Transcribing and Translating SP9/99: A Seventeenth-Century Dutch Survey of 22 English Castles and Fortifications – we wanted to share a little more about the process of coming to grips with this engrossing manuscript.

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A brief bit of context: the National Archives holds an anonymous manuscript, currently undated but certainly early seventeenth century, which contains a survey of at least 22 English castles and fortifications. This survey was carried out by a Dutch engineer, who clearly spent considerable time in England, as he has adopted several English words (albeit with idiosyncratic spellings). Because of the linguistic and material challenges – the unorthodox Dutch, the difficult handwriting, and the bad condition of the paper – it has never been transcribed and translated. The value of understanding the manuscript, however, is clear. The survey outlines the condition of the castles and fortifications at the time; it provides early modern names of buildings and their elements, some of which are now lost. It also provides suggestions for improvement, some of which we know have later been realised. We can now relate these improvements to the suggestions of the survey. More will be said in due course about some of our findings concerning what we can learn about the history and development of the 6 particular castles that we have now transcribed and translated – Sandown, Deal, Walmer, Dover, Sandgate and Camber – but here we wanted to elaborate a little on the fun and challenges of transcription.  

The engineer was from the Low Countries. It is difficult to pinpoint exactly where, but it was likely the southern end of the Netherlands, as the language does not follow the more standardised version of Dutch that by that time flourished in the North. Beyond the language, there is no punctuation in the document, not even a full stop. Almost all text is in phrases; there are no complete sentences; frequently verbs are missing. It reads like a list or a summing up of the engineer’s thoughts as he examined the sites. However, the content is also careful and precise, noting measurements, directions, costs and uses, all accompanied with skilful drawings and plans.

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We will give you here two examples from Camber Castle. We have included the engineer’s full sketch plan here but will zoom in on the central keep. Having spent several months with this engineer and his handwriting, it can feel like we know the man quite well. He was often in a rush. This is visible in the way he sometimes repeats the same word in a row, and the density of abbreviations used. In the early modern period, abbreviations were common, and were themselves often standardised. For example, yt for that, or Sr for sir. These could be marked in several ways, but most often in either superscript or with a line above the word. Our engineer liked to break with tradition and places a characteristic C above a word. In my years working as palaeographer, I have never come across this, so we can reasonably conclude that this engineer was not formally trained. That is to say, he did not go to university; for most of the early modern texts that we work with, the authors had received a formal education and conform to the ‘rules’ of writing, but our engineer had worked out his own system of noting deviations. In a similar break with tradition, he uses the C symbol in three ways: to mark an abbreviation, to flag where he has made a mistake, or to indicate an English word and that he does not know how to spell it. Which one of these is the case for individual words is up to us to find out.

Image of Camber Castle from manuscript SP9/ 99. Copyright Paul Pattison

In the image below, there is a good example of the difficulty of these abbreviations or deviations. In the keep of Camber castle, there is written ‘ende boven, …… 3r 1v’. We know there is something strange going on with the word ‘boven’ because of the symbol C. To confuse matters further, this handwriting uses the same letter for v and n, and its e is often written as an o. We therefore assumed that this word would be an abbreviation of ‘benen’ (sometimes written as benéen), meaning ‘beneden’, which is Dutch for beneath or underneath. However, after working on several castles, it did not make sense that he would be talking about a roof beneath a room, and we therefore had to revisit all instances of benen and realised in some cases it had to be ‘boven’, meaning above. In this case the C symbol merely signifies the confusion between n and v, that the engineer himself clearly also suffered from.

Camber Castle image close up from SP9 / 99. Copyright Paul Pattison, National Archive Kew

To give an example of the engineer’s haste, or possibly enthusiasm, we can turn now to the marks just above the word ‘boven’ in the previous image. As is clearly visible from the full photo of Camber castle, this was a gifted draftsman. Camber Castle is certainly not the most technically difficult of the castles in the manuscript, but, as ever, his attention to detail and scale is impressive. The care he took in the drawing itself is not always present in his annotations, presumably because these were in draft form. As a result, the distinction between what is part of the drawing and what are notes that were added later is blurred. In the below image on the left, there is a strange mark which can be transcribed as ‘hffo’. This is not even close to an early modern Dutch word. The h also misses its characteristic full loop in the bottom curve. We thought it might be an abbreviation, although the C-symbol is not present, or some sort of mark highlighting an element of the building. It was only after we went over the full transcription several times again, that we realised he had misspelled ‘hoff’, like the word on the right, meaning ‘courtyard’ in Dutch. In his rush he had jumbled the order of the letters and not fully closed his h.

Camber Castle image close up 2 from SP9 / 99 at National Archives, Kew. Copyright Paul Pattison

These moments of breakthrough are rather exhilarating. Most of the transcriptions and translations that we have made still have some outstanding ‘curiosities’ to be solved. However, as a result of these idiosyncrasies or oddities, we have been drawn very close to the material and grappled with all aspects of it: the material history, the background of the engineer, the process of surveying these castles and fortifications, and the long history of repair. We are now in the process of puzzling over the new information the survey has brought to light and how it fits with what we already know about these buildings. We look forward to disclosing further updates here, hopefully in fully legible modern English.

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Dalkeith: Duchess Anna’s Old Castle

In the first of two articles Dr Cristian Clarkson, Heritage Consultant at Simpson & Brown takes a look some of the work she has done at various castles during her time with the firm.

The exterior of Dalkeith Palace is easily accessible to visitors, standing within a popular country park south-west of Edinburgh. Its interiors, however, have been largely hidden away since its construction for Anna, Duchess of Buccleuch, in the very early eighteenth century, and it has been relatively little-studied. Duchess Anna commissioned a radical remodelling of Dalkeith Castle, the Buccleuch family seat, from architect James Smith, and the family used the house for two hundred years. Clumsily converted for office use in the 1970s, and then used as the study-abroad centre of the University of Wisconsin from the 1980s, the building was vacated in 2021 and new uses are currently being evaluated by the Buccleuch Estate. Simpson & Brown completed a conservation plan for the building in 2024, one of the key questions of which was how far there were remains of Dalkeith Castle within the Palace, and what that castle was like.

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Dalkeith Castle probably originated in the fourteenth century as a Douglas fortification, and was expanded by the 4th Earl of Morton in the sixteenth century. It was bought by the Scotts, then Earls of Buccleuch, shortly before the Wars of the Three Kingdoms in the seventeenth century, and passed to Anna Scott in 1661 when she became Duchess in her own right. The fact that there is at least some medieval fabric remaining at Dalkeith is clear: there is a rib-vaulted basement room in the north range, at the centre of an area of very thick walls. There is also an asymmetry in the Palace’s plan: although the south entrance front is highly regular, the west range in fact meets the north range at an angle, immediately suggesting the re-use of earlier fabric. Several locked voids in the plan of this range suggest the historic presence of a kitchen with large flues which were blocked by James Smith.

Basement of North Range at Dalkeith Palace, copyright Simpson Brown

There are two key images of the historic castle: Slezer’s engraving (incorrectly labelled Glamis in his publication), and an unnamed, undated plan held in the Buccleuch collection which shows one storey of the castle. Slezer shows a castle built around two courts, with the inner court on three sides replicating the plan of the existing Palace. At the north-east corner, a tower over three or four storeys with bartizans and pedimented window-surrounds stands over the existing vaulted cellar, while a low range to the west must contain the historic kitchen. On the east side, there is a regular range which stands where there are barrel-vaulted cellars in the present Palace. The plan shows a turnpike stair where there are now empty round rooms at each level in the former stairwell, and a scale-and-platt stair on the same location as the existing state stair. At the north-east corner of the castle there is a projecting round tower shown which almost survived to the present building, as later documents show.

Phased Plan of Dalkeith Palace, copyright Simpson Brown

Little is known about the castle’s interiors, but there was something to be gleaned from the huge wealth of documentary evidence relating to Duchess Anna’s rebuilding. The Buccleuch archive, held partly in the National Records of Scotland, includes many receipts for work on the building. Although the majority of these are for the new eighteenth-century fabric, there are some which relate to cosmetic renovations on the old castle: the Duchess travelled north after decades in London to stay in the castle, meet James Smith and sign contracts for the rebuild, and the house needed some work in advance of her stay. Invoices for plastering list the rooms of the castle, including ‘the great painted room’, as well as ‘the King’s room’ with an adjacent study; these entries are arranged by floor and give some suggestion of the location of these rooms within the building. They also give clues as to which rooms were retained: one room listed is known as the ‘stone hall’, and a room with this name appears consistently in invoices for work in the new building as well. It is probably the vaulted room above the kitchen, used by the steward.

We also examined a series of design development drawings by James Smith, in which he helpfully shades fabric to be retained in the new house. None of these drawings are exactly as-executed (William Adam’s plans in Vitruvius Scoticus are the closest to the finished house), but show that initially Smith hoped to raze the old palace and eventually retained a great deal of the castle at basement and ground levels. There appear to have been particular difficulties around the north-east corner, where the plans were to retain the existing round tower; this was not carried off in the final design and would have made an interesting companion-space to the exquisite neighbouring ‘picture closet’ with its elaborate parquet floor and painted mirror by Jakob Bogdany. Smith also workshopped an option where the original re-entrant stair would be retained with a new branch down into the entrance hall, but this was not executed.

The Buccleuch archive also contains the details of a court case between Smith and the Duchess after the completion of the building, which reveals some of the decision-making process behind the retention of castle fabric. The Duchess complained that the building was poorly constructed, with cracks in the walls and chimneys which smoked: Smith blamed the Duchess for insisting that he keep old masonry rather than building anew. Presumably her primary motivation was financial, but her letters reveal a certain sentimentality for her childhood home, which she left after her father’s death and before her marriage to the Duke of Monmouth. She wrote to a friend that he might think she was extravagant in fitting out her new house with marble, ‘but it is to shew you I do not Dispyse my old Castle.’

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Pembroke Castle: Elite Use of Outer Ward Space

Buildings archaeologist, Neil Ludlow, gives an update of the work that has been done since the Trust funded two projects at Pembroke Castle.

Two CST-funded projects, in 2016 and 2018, looked at a late-medieval building complex in the outer ward at Pembroke Castle (Day and Ludlow 2016; Meek and Ludlow 2019). All above-ground remains of the buildings have gone, but vestiges of walling are marked here on a plan from 1787, while a drawing from 1802 appears to show a surviving doorway. The buildings were part-excavated in the 1930s, but sadly without record. However, the presence of walls, floors and stairs was noted, and a cess-pit from which was retrieved a Limoges-enamelled bronze fitting of late thirteenth/early fourteenth-century date. The wall-lines show as strong parchmarks in dry summers (see Fig. 1).

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Figure 1: Phased plan of Pembroke Castle, copyright Neil Ludlow

The spacious outer ward was added to Pembroke Castle in the 1240s-50s, and appears to have been an entirely new enclosure. It was not ditched, the limestone bedrock instead being levelled as a platform to receive the curtain walls. And a flanking tower, the so-called ‘Dungeon Tower’, had been built against the inner curtain only 20 years previously, implying that it was still a forward line of defence. Moreover, it subsumed part of the town as at Swansea (Glam.) and Ludlow (Shrops.). Geophysics by Dyfed Archaeology in 2016 suggested it was largely an empty space, perhaps intended for ‘civil’ assembly, military gatherings, pageantry/display or leisure – or perhaps all four. By the early fourteenth century, it appears to have contained a garden and it may always have been perceived as ‘gentrified’ space, rather than seeing the kind of purely functional use that is normally ascribed to outer enclosures (Ludlow 2017).

So the complex, which was clearly substantial, was interpreted as high-status and residential: taken along with the parchmark evidence, the geophysics appeared to indicate a substantial, winged hall-house, with a possible yard to the southeast conjoined with a further, smaller building. Two trenches were excavated across the winged house in 2018, by Dyfed Archaeology, revealing walling, a helical mural stair, and the cess-pit exposed in the 1930s (Fig. 2). The excavated area was limited and the full layout of the complex not revealed. Neither was close dating evidence forthcoming.

Two more trenches were dug in 2023, again by Dyfed Archaeology but this time funded by the Pembroke Castle Trust (Poucher 2025). They produced a couple of big surprises. Firstly, a cellar was revealed beneath the southern wing of the hall-house. And what had been interpreted as an open yard, to the southeast, was revealed to be another roofed building, with a lateral fireplace in its south wall (Fig. 2). The base of a further mural stair was exposed in the same wall. The physical relationships showed that this building pre-dated the winged hall-house, but close dating evidence was again slight.

Figure 2: Plan of the excavation trenches over the hall-house (adapted from Poucher 2023). The winged house to the southwest (left), overlying a cellar, appears to be secondary to the open Phase 1 Hall.

While only four small trenches have been dug, and the site is still very little understood, we can perhaps propose a conjectured sequence. Its scale and location show the house to have been an elite structure from the first. On current evidence, it appears to have begun as a large, free-standing hall, with an attached, storeyed unit at its southwest end overlying a barrel-vaulted cellar; the latter is of a regional form similar to late-medieval cellars that still survive below properties in Pembroke town. This end unit was subsequently replaced with, or adapted into, a winged house that was apparently self-contained: it appears to have comprised a central space (another hall?), associated with the cess-pit and flanked by storeyed wings; the upper floor of the southern wing was accessed via a helical stair.

Comparison with similar buildings, and the sparse dating evidence, suggests both phases are fifteenth-century. By this time, the domestic buildings in the inner ward had a history of neglect, coupled with an increasing burden of administrative and penal machinery. The outer bailey was both quieter and emptier, and had perhaps always seen ‘elite’ forms of use, with at least one garden (later two); understandably, it might have been preferred for seigneurial residence. A similar development occurred in another caput castle, at Montgomery, where a mansion house was built in the outer enclosure during the 1530s.

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And the Pembroke house appears not to have sat in isolation. The south curtain wall has, at some period, been doubled in thickness with over two metres of masonry applied to its internal face (Fig. 3). This has long been regarded as a Civil War measure against artillery (see King 1978, 120), but an earth fill was normally chosen for this purpose, while the thin-walled mural passage lies on the exposed external face. I suggest this thickening belongs instead to the fifteenth century, to create a broad ‘promenade’ at parapet level. The use of parapets as promenades has been suggested at a number of castles, from the twelfth century onwards: they provided a viewpoint from which a lord could show off his domain to distinguished guests, while offering scope for high-status recreational use – particularly by women. The Pembroke parapet is approached by two staircases in the thickened section, both of a somewhat ‘processional’ nature. One, a mural stair, is long and straight, while the second wraps around the Henry VII Tower as a double flight of persuasively late-medieval form, and was clearly designed to be seen; it is not obviously military (Figs. 1 and 3). Lying immediately south of the house, it is accompanied by a second ornamental feature – a projecting porch, leading to a latrine within the wall-thickening. This porch, like the thickening, has traditionally been assigned to the Civil War period (King 1978, 94 and n. 75), but in overall form it is not unlike the corbelled oriels seen in later fifteenth-century domestic work (Figs. 1 and 3). Though substantially restored, all these features respect surviving physical evidence; together with a second garden mentioned in a source from 1481-2, they appear to represent a prestige suite of ‘eye-catchers’, clustered around and associated with the hall-house. It is likely, too, that use of the latrine itself was restricted by status and/or gender. The infilling of the inner ward ditch may belong to the same period, to create more seigneurial space.

Figure 3: The outer curtain wall from northwest, showing the double flight of stairs around the Henry VII Tower, to left, and the latrine porch at centre. The parchmarks of the hall-house are visible at bottom left.

Three candidates had the resources to build on this scale. It is possible that the Phase 1 hall was built by Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, earl of Pembroke 1413-47, for his personal use. His political influence was in decline by 1441, and he may have intended to use Pembroke as a regular residence, far from his powerful opponents: he appears to have already built a smaller hunting-lodge for himself, just over the river from the castle at Monkton. If so, it is possible that the Phase 2 winged house was added by Jasper Tudor, soon after he acquired the earldom in 1452, in anticipation of occasional visits and to announce his ‘arrival’ among the leading aristocracy. It might not, however, allow enough time for the promenade to be built: after 1454, and until 1461, the Wars of the Roses forced him into more-or-less permanent residence at Pembroke, but in an environment that may militate against such overtly domestic work. Jasper seems moreover to have rarely visited Pembroke after the war, when he concentrated on his favoured castles at Sudeley and Thornbury in Gloucestershire. It may then be that the winged house and promenade were added by the Yorkist leader William Herbert the elder, who held Jasper’s forfeit lands between 1461 and 1469. His work at Raglan in Monmouthshire, where the castle was transformed into a magnificent palace, shows him to have been an ambitious builder.

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References

Day, A. and Ludlow, N., 2016 ‘Pembroke Castle Geophysical Survey 2016’ (report by Dyfed Archaeological Trust for the Castle Studies Trust: see –

http:/castlestudiestrust.org/docs/Pembroke_Castle_Geophysical%20_Survey_FINAL.pdf).

King, D. J. C., 1978 ‘Pembroke Castle’, Archaeologia Cambrensis 127, 75-121.

Ludlow, N., 2017 ’Medieval Britain and Ireland, Fieldwork Highlights in 2016: Pembroke Castle outer ward – gentrified space and Tudor Mansion?’, Medieval Archaeology 61/2, 428-35.

Ludlow, N., forthcoming ‘Two baronial castles in Pembrokeshire: Picton and Pembroke’, Journ. British Archaeological Association 178.

Meek, J. and Ludlow, N., 2019 ‘Pembroke Castle: archaeological evaluation, 2018’ (report by Dyfed Archaeological Trust for the Castle Studies Trust: see – http://www.castlestudiestrust.org/docs/Pembroke_Castle_Evaluation_2018_FINAL.pdf.

Poucher, P., 2025 ‘Pembroke Castle: archaeological evaluation, 2023’ (report by Heneb – Dyfed Archaeology, report no. 2023-33).